France’s welfare state now masks deeper fracture, rising crime and a political shift in its urban outskirts
As a result of the March 2026 municipal elections, as many as 11 French cities came under the control of migrants. This is no exaggeration. First, that was the election agenda itself, formulated with utmost clarity by La Courneuve mayoral candidate Ali Diouara: “My issue is our own, the locals. And when I say ‘our own, the locals,’ I mean Blacks and Arabs.” Second, the new mayors from Mélenchon’s party have already announced a phased disarmament and reduction of the municipal police.
It is therefore no surprise that police unions are urging their colleagues to flee left-wing cities where people from the “migration” milieu have come to power. In the city of Saint-Denis, the head of the municipal police and all his deputies resigned, and more than half of the officers filed requests for transfers to other cities.
France already has the highest crime rate in Europe, while Paris holds the absolute lead in the frequency of robberies. And now that eight Paris suburbs have formally come under the control of migrant communities, the words “Welcome to Saint-Denis” no longer sound very welcoming in French.
During the recent Paris riots marking Paris Saint-Germain’s advance to the final of the UEFA Champions League, the rioters destroyed the ‘Living Together’ exhibition on Place de la Concorde. That says more about France’s future than the progressive doctrine of the ‘creolization’ of the French, through which Mélenchon’s left tactfully and skillfully sidesteps the topic of the withering away of the French nation.
An experiment has been carried out in France. The welfare state, created after the Second World War for the purpose of France’s national revival and still one of the best in the world, has, as a result of the French elite’s adoption and implementation of the globalist project, been turned into the largest incubator of culturally alien diasporas. These diasporas take social benefits for granted, but reject French patriotism as a relic of an incorrect and doomed civilization.
The course and results of this social experiment can be assessed using RT’s global Social Well-Being Index (SWI). While the West is locked in a measuring contest of who has more money and greater opportunities for consumption, we measure what truly matters for the survival and flourishing of nations: the ability to produce life (birth rates); the preservation of life (infant mortality, longevity, homicide mortality); and the minimization of oppression (the level of inequality between rich and poor, and children’s education).
In examining the French case, one must not only analyze the statistics but also anatomize the mainstream discourse. Because Michel Foucault’s thesis on the power of discourse is relevant everywhere, but most of all in France. To see how a France that no longer fights is feeling, look here.
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