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George Simion, leader of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) and vice president of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, welcomed Mateusz Morawiecki, former Prime Minister of Poland and current ECR president, to Bucharest in a meeting that reinforces the strategic alliance between Romania and Poland as pillars of conservatism in Eastern Europe.
This meeting, highlighted by a message of mutual support posted on X by Simion, underscores the growing collaboration between both leaders to counter the leftist and globalist policies of the European Union (EU), positioning Simion as a key figure in the conservative future of the bloc.
George Simion will play a very important role in the future of the #EU.»
Morawiecki, who assumed the ECR presidency in January 2025 after succeeding Giorgia Meloni, praised Romania as «Poland’s main partner in Central and Eastern Europe,» reaffirming an alliance that goes beyond economic and military ties to encompass a shared vision of national sovereignty, opposition to mass immigration, and resistance to the centralization of the EU.
This meeting in Bucharest symbolizes a commitment to strengthening conservative values in the face of what both leaders perceive as a progressive agenda in Brussels.
The ECR, under Morawiecki’s leadership, brings together right-wing parties such as Poland’s Law and Justice, Italy’s Brothers of Italy, and Romania’s AUR, with the goal of building a conservative majority in the European Parliament that challenges leftist and globalist policies.
Simion, whose AUR became the second-largest party in the Romanian Parliament since 2024, has found in the ECR a platform to amplify his nationalist, anti-EU, and pro-sovereignty message, aligning with Morawiecki’s vision of a Europe of strong nations with less regulation from Brussels.
The meeting comes at a crucial time for Romania, which is embroiled in a political crisis following the annulment of the 2024 presidential elections and the recent ban on Călin Georgescu, a Simion ally, from running in the May 2025 elections.
Morawiecki expressed his confidence that Simion «will play a very important role in the future of the EU,» recognizing his leadership in AUR and his potential as a presidential figure should Georgescu fail to overturn his exclusion. This support reflects the ECR’s strategy of consolidating a network of conservative leaders in Eastern Europe to counter the influence of the left and globalist elites.
I believe he is the best man for these difficult, unstable times.
The collaboration between Poland and Romania is not new, but under Morawiecki and Simion, it takes on a more ideological focus.
Both countries share concerns about Russian interference, NATO’s strengthening in the region, and opposition to the EU’s immigration policies, such as migrant redistribution quotas.
Simion, elected ECR vice president in January 2025, has solidified his position as an emerging leader in the European right, promoting policies such as reducing EU bureaucracy, rejecting immigration quotas, and strengthening national security.
His rise, backed by Morawiecki, contrasts with internal tensions in Romania, where elites and European institutions are accused of undermining democracy by excluding figures like Georgescu and, potentially, Simion if he decides to run.
Poland and Romania also share a commitment to regional security, supporting increased NATO deployment in Eastern Europe to counter Russian influence, a central issue for the ECR. This stance, combined with their opposition to a common EU foreign policy, reinforces their role as a counterbalance to Brussels’ progressive policies, aligning with Morawiecki’s vision of a Europe of sovereign nations.
Morawiecki’s leadership in the ECR, following his successful tenure as Poland’s prime minister, represents a shift toward a more combative right in the EU, with Romania and Poland driving this transformation.
This alliance is a beacon of hope for Europe, demonstrating that nations can unite to defend their traditional values, sovereignty, and identity against Brussels’ impositions.
However, Romania’s political crisis presents challenges: if elites and the EU continue to exclude figures like Simion and Georgescu, they could fuel a nationalist movement that challenges the bloc’s stability. This collaboration not only strengthens European conservatism but also highlights the tensions between nationalism and globalism, a crucial debate for the future of the EU.
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