A fiercely independent governor in New Hampshire, an octogenarian iconoclast in Nebraska and a Kansas Republican who bucked his party on transgender legislation have unwittingly formed a national bulwark against President Donald Trump’s aggressive redistricting push.
Despite threats and force, Trump’s team is finding there are some state-level Republicans who simply won’t budge on a legally questionable strategy that would grow the GOP’s advantage in next year’s fight to keep the House.
And then there’s Indiana, where state Senate leader Rodric Bray says he lacks support in his caucus to undertake a redraw, even as GOP Gov. Mike Braun called a special session to start next week.
At the urging of the White House, Republicans have already drawn seven new GOP-leaning House seats via mid-decade redistricting in three states, with more on the way. But the nationwide remapping effort is losing steam, largely due to these state-level Republicans refusing to blink at the Trump team’s threats of primaries. And while cracks are forming in Trump’s strategy, Democrats are waking up to the dangers ahead, POLITICO reported this week.
The few Republicans willing to defy the president constitute a dying breed in a party that’s become solidly MAGA under Trump’s thumb.
“If they want to threaten me with something, I don’t know what it’d be,” Kansas Republican Rep. Mark Schreiber, who is among holdouts in the state, said in an interview. “I’m fine with the stance I’m at.”
As Trump desperately tries to cling to control of Congress for the remainder of his term, he’s leaned heavily on redistricting congressional lines to block Democrats from their coveted takeover of the House. They need to net just three seats to regain a measure of influence in Washington.
But despite support from within Congress and the broader base, Republicans in state houses are showing that Trump and his team cannot coerce veteran local politicians, many of whom are elderly, in safe seats and unconcerned with the national political landscape.
Their collective shrug at Trump’s threats shows the limits of his authority, despite remaking the party in his image and his domination over Republicans on the Hill.
“Trump absolutely controls the national narrative on a day to day basis … but politics continues to be local,” said GOP operative Matthew Bartlett, a New Hampshire native. “It’s hard enough to run the show on the national level; good luck to you getting way into the details and weeds on a state level.”
In Kansas, as well as Nebraska, GOP leaders must meet high margins in order to remap, leaving on-the-fence members in the spotlight and with the upper hand.
Republicans in Kansas need a two-thirds majority to call a special session to redraw maps and override an expected veto from Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly. Senate President Ty Masterson — a candidate to succeed Kelly — is backing the effort and circulating the special session petition.
But not everyone is willing to play ball.
Schreiber — one of the Kansas holdouts — said he is “not really” concerned about any potential fallout with the White House. He believes mid-decade redistricting should not become a political tool ahead of the midterms, and thinks maps should continue to be tied to the decennial census.
“If they called, I would tell them basically the same thing,” Schreiber said. “I’m not changing that viewpoint.”
In the Cornhusker State, where the unicameral legislature needs every Republican to get on board, state Sen. Merv Riepe is standing in the way. The 83-year-old Republican said talks of shoring up the seat held by Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) haven’t materialized since the idea was floated in September, and he would oppose the move either way.
“It looked like simply a party maneuver,” Riepe said in an interview. “My position has not changed. I don’t think it’s a necessity for us.”
It’s not the first time Riepe has thwarted an effort that could have helped Trump. In 2024, he blocked a push that would have made the state’s split electoral college vote become winner-take-all.
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“Well, I represent my district and I think that’s what democracy is supposed to be about,” Riepe said when asked about his independent streak. And despite a censure from the state GOP for some of his other votes, Riepe remains undeterred.
“I intend to stand for reelection again come November,” he said. “Partly because I’m no good at hunting, no good at fishing, and my friends tell me I’m no good at golf. I like the give and take and the discussion that goes on in politics.”
His independent streak inspired a local store to craft “Hot Merv Summer” T-shirts after he blocked a near-total abortion ban in the state.
Indiana has so far faced the most pressure from the White House and conservative groups. Vice President JD Vance has visited the Hoosier State twice, and Trump has made calls to wary lawmakers. But Bray’s office said on Monday the chamber still lacks the votes for redistricting, meaning roughly a dozen lawmakers remain opposed.
“For those trying to bully me on redistricting, I love you,” Indiana state Sen. Greg Goode said on X last week. “I pray to our Lord and Savior for wisdom and reflect on political heroes who stood up for the greater good above the politics of the day.”
Asked for an interview, Goode said in a statement he would not make his stance on redistricting public until Braun calls a special session, which he did Monday morning. In response, Goode announced plans to host a “listening session” on redistricting over the weekend. Following Braun’s announcement Monday, at least one once-hesitant lawmaker came out in favor of the move.
Former Vice President Mike Pence, once Indiana’s mild-mannered Republican governor and a member of Congress, has similarly expressed skepticism in taking up the issue championed by his ex-boss.
While Indiana has faced the most pressure from the White House, no state has angered it like New Hampshire, where Trump’s political team is threatening to primary Gov. Kelly Ayotte, who has maintained that it’s not the time to redraw the state’s congressional line. Trump loyalist Corey Lewandowski told POLITICO he was interested in a run earlier this month.
A recent effort from within the state’s Legislature is also on ice, after state Sen. Dan Innis pulled his own redistricting bill after deciding that he didn’t want to “create a difficult situation in my own house.” Republicans have another potential legislative vehicle in the House, but are reticent to move forward without Ayotte’s support.
The GOP is facing a different political calculus in New Hampshire. While redrawing the state’s two Democratic-controlled congressional districts could make the purple 1st District more competitive, longtime GOP operatives in the state don’t believe it would guarantee their party a win.
“I don’t think she thinks she’s standing up to him or defying him,” Dave Carney, a longtime New Hampshire Republican strategist, said of Ayotte. “It’s just not as automatic in some states that have a huge ability to work on the maps.”
Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.
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