Alejandro Mayorkas, the nation’s top border official from 2021 to 2025, is denying blame for President Donald Trump’s smashing victory in 2024, which has scattered and impoverished the Democratic Party’s many interest groups.
Instead, Mayorkas is blaming Texas GOP Gov. Greg Abbott and the upstart new media that he could not control as he gambled the party’s future by importing more than 10 million migrants for use by businesses and progressives.
“I am very proud of what we did do,” Mayorkas told a friendly Harvard interviewer on March 5.
I would have liked to have wrestled with the question of communication and narration some more, but we spent a lot of time on it. It’s a very difficult landscape. Traditional media is not as powerful as it once was … I would have also liked to have taken on more forcefully the decline in empiricism. Facts actually matter.
Indeed, Mayorkas tried to create a “Disinformation Governance Board” to operate under the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the agency he ran for then-President Joe Biden.
During Mayorkas’s tenure, Breitbart News posted roughly 13,000 articles on migration news, helping Americans to better understand the costs and benefits of the establishment’s economic policy of Extraction Migration.
In the Harvard interview, Mayorkas also declared his complete confidence in his policies, which killed thousands of migrants on their way to the border and killed many Americans in their communities.
“When one has 100 percent confidence in the integrity of one’s decision making, one can deal with the politics much more readily,” he told Harvard’s Juliette Kayyem, who worked with him during President Barack Obama’s tenure.
In reality, the mass migration policy pushed by Mayorkas and his investor allies was a disaster for Americans and for America — although his migrant-fueled Bidenomics policy was also good for wealthy investors and poor migrants.
Because of Mayorkas, 300 million blue-collar and white-collar Americans lost earning power in the labor and housing markets, and they lost workplace investment, productivity, and training once enabled by employers. Also, white-collar career opportunities declined due to corporate outsourcing and Mayorkas’ expanded inflow of white-collar workers, such as H-1B visa holders.
Americans lost civic stability to government-imposed social diversity and lost political power as expanding blocs of ethnic voters demanded benefits for their particular communities, cultures, and home countries.
Americans also grew disgusted at the government’s migration policy as spent billions of dollars to extract human resources from poor countries for use in the U.S. economy, regardless of the massive loss of life among both migrants and Americans.
His policies exacerbated Americans’ civic problems — homelessness, low wages, a shrinking middle class, slowing innovation, declining blue-collar life expectancy, spreading poverty, and the huge death toll from drugs.
Predictably, Mayorkas’ run-amok zealotry for migration prompted desperate opposition. His plans were rejected by legislators who then impeached him as Democrats defended him. The voters broadcast their views in opinion polls, then used the November election to put Trump back into the Oval Office on the promise of a dramatic reversal in border enforcement.
Biden played little role in the nation’s migration policy and effectively ceded control to Mayorkas and his investor allies in 2021.
Democrats’ defeat in the 2024 election is a subordinate issue for the Cuban-born Mayorkas, who believes the United States must be a homeland for migrants, regardless of what Americans prefer:
What’s very important, Juliette, and I cannot over-emphasize this enough, that we have to stay true to our values. One of our proudest traditions as a country is to be a country of refuge. I am a beneficiary of that tradition, I would expect that many in this room are either directly or their ancestry is, and I think that’s a value proposition. And what President Biden demonstrated and what Vice President Harris demonstrated is that we can both be a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants, that we can adhere to our values while securing our border.
Still, Mayorkas offered two indirect excuses for the political disaster he helped bring to the Democratic Party in November.
First, Mayorkas tried to claim that the huge migration during his tenure was caused by global factors, not his catch-and-release welcome that allowed migrants to reliably and quickly get jobs and pay off their smuggling debts, which were usually mortgaged to their families’ farms and homes. Second, he claimed that “broken” asylum laws had tied his hands, even though Trump instantly stopped the flow of migrants without any change in federal law.
“Everyone agrees the immigration system is fundamentally broken,” Mayorkas said while ignoring his primary role in breaking it:
The reality is that what we saw at the border was a broken system in action because we adhered to the laws of asylum relief, and what we saw is an asylum system that doesn’t work to meet the modern day challenge of an unprecedented level of human displacement, the greatest level of human displacement since World War Two.
Mayorkas blamed Abbot’s policy of bussing migrants out of Texas for spiking public opposition to his policies.
We lost the narrative … [Americans] deserve their leaders to work together to deliver solutions that the American people deserve, rather than to use a [migration] challenge as a political cudgel for electoral benefit. That is not good government. I’ve spoken about this publicly before: When one has a governor of one state who is purposefully not communicating, coordinating, or cooperating with fellow governors of other states and actually using vulnerable migrants as pawns to sow discord in the states of reception and change the narrative nationally. That is not, to me, an example of governance. That is an example of bad politics.
Under Mayorkas, voter opposition to migration rose nationally as more Americans saw and felt the pocketbook impact of Mayorkas’s planned flood of migrant workers, consumers, and renters.
In 2024, Mayorkas’s hard-nosed pro-migration gamble culminated in the Senate’s border bill, which offered the GOP a choice between a future of more legalized migration or more Mayorkas-style quasi-legal migration. But the GOP Senators and Trump called his bluff and claimed their November victory.
Once in office, Trump disproved Mayorkas’ “greatest level of human displacement” rhetoric in a few days.
President Biden “would have taken executive action more rapidly” if he had known Republicans would reject his border bill, Mayorkas told CBS News on December 22.
The national resurgence of pro-American electoral solidarity is derided as a mere “narrative” by Mayorkas and his allies.
For example, one of his globalist, pro-migration allies – Michele Klein — defended Mayorkas at the Harvard event:
There’s no question that the narrative [about migration] has shifted in a very, to my mind, very unhealthy way. I’m here in this leadership program to try to move the needle on that narrative, because I firmly believe that we’re not going to be able to have space for making rational migration policy if we have this demonization and weaponization of migration that we’re seeing right now. I believe that that does not serve the interests of the United States to have no ability to have a rational debate about these questions and recognize that, yes, there are strains on cities, recognize that there are also benefits in terms of workforce, in terms of innovation, in terms of the performing jobs that either Americans are not qualified to perform or not willing to perform. But we can’t get to any of that in a rational way while the narrative is so bad.
Kayyam stepped in, saying, “I think about the narrative a lot … I think when you ask, ‘What does the public want on this issue?’ I think they want order.”
In contrast, many polls show that Americans want prosperity, solidary, and opportunity, not exclusion or the “order” preferred by the comfortable elites at Harvard and elsewhere.
“Experience is a powerful instructor,” Mayorkas said while suggesting that Americans would accept more migration if they could not put food on their tables or build houses:
If food is not reaching our table, because those who pick the crops have been removed … if Los Angeles seeks to rebuild from the devastating, ravaging fires, and there are individuals who are not there to hammer your roofs … that would be instructive as well.
Democrats are now licking their wounds after the November election. But, so far, Democrats have not dared to openly blame Mayorkas for their defeat.
Meanwhile, the pro-migration investors are happy to have their proxies blame Democrats instead of Mayorkas. “The Democratic Party leadership has been absent on immigration reform since President Biden took office,” Andrea Flores, the Vice President of Immigration Policy & Campaigns at FWD.us, said mid-December.
FWD.us represents the West Coast’s consumer-economy investors who benefit from the inflow of migrant consumers, renters, and workers. They helped put Mayorkas into office in 2021, they provided critical support for him, and now they’re happy to dump the blame on the Democratic politicians and groups who have been damaged by their policy.
“You saw, really in this last year, in the absence of real leadership from Democratic leadership on the future of immigration reform, a huge shift to the right,” Flores declared.
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